Abstract:In the era of great power competition,Congress has come to the forefront of the U.S.policy toward China,and plays an important role in the U.S.science and technology competition toward China.Congress is the builder of the narrative of American science and technology competition with China,the designer of science and technology competition system with China,and the guarantor of the implementation of science and technology competition strategy with China.The main features of Congress' intervention in the science and technology competition between the U.S.and China are active attitude,extensive content of intervention,consensus held by both parties and good cooperation and coordination with the executive branch.The significance of emerging and critical technologies at the strategic level,the formation of domestic consensus on competition with China,the advocacy of specialized committees within Congress,the influence of core hawkish legislators,and the pressure exerted by external interest groups are the primary factors driving Congress to engage in U.S.-China science and technology competition.Congressional intervention in U.S.-China science and technology competition not only alters the decision-making environment of U.S.science and technology policy towards China but also propels the prolonged institutionalization of science and technology competition and increases the complexity and difficulty of China's response to U.S.science and technology competition.Moreover,it may lead to the establishment of a new normal in the interaction between Congress and executive departments in shaping policies towards China.
丁思齐, 白语诺. 美国对华科技竞争:国会的角色及其影响[J]. 中国科技论坛, 2024(4): 169-178.
Ding Siqi, Bai Yunuo. America's Science and Technology Competition with China: the Role of Congress and Its Implications. , 2024(4): 169-178.
[1]樊吉社.美国国会——中美战略竞争的新推手[R/OL].(2021-06-01)[2022-09-19].https://www.thepaper.cn/newsDetail_forward_12927867. [2]孙海泳.美国对华科技施压战略:发展态势、战略逻辑与影响因素[J].现代国际关系,2019(1):38-45. [3]刘国柱,尹楠楠.美国国家安全认知的新视阈:人工智能与国家安全[J].国际安全研究,2020,38(2):135-155. [4]GUO B G.Sino-U.S.decoupling:the roles of U.S.congress[J].Journal of Chinese Political Science,2020,27(3):543-565. [5]赵明昊.统合性压制:美国对华科技竞争新态势论析[J].太平洋学报,2021,29(9):1-16. [6]SCOTT M J.The loop:congressional influence in American foreign policy[J].Journal of Political & Military Sociology,1997,25(1):47-76. [7]The House.Serial No.115-107(House Hearing),Countering China:ensuring America remains the world leader in advanced technologies and innovation general[C].Washington D.C.:U.S.Government Publishing Office,2018. [8]Senate.Senate Hearing,117th Congress,Countering the People's Republic of China's economic and technological plan for dominance general[C].Washington D.C.:U.S.Government Publishing Office,2022. [9]Congress.S.1879-Protect our universities act of 2019[EB/OL].(2019-06-18)[2023-04-21].https://www.congress.gov/bill/116th-congress/senate-bill/1879?q=%7B%22search%22%3A%5B%22protect+our+universities+act%22%5D%7D&r=2&s=1. [10]刘国柱.“数字威权主义”论与数字时代的大国竞争[J].美国研究,2022,36(2):35-57. [11]MENENDEZ R.The new big brother:China and digital authoritarianism[R].Washington D.C.:U.S.Government Publishing Office,2020. [12]Matsui and McCaul lead effort to urge Biden Administration to strengthen funding for U.S.semiconductor production[EB/OL].(2021-04-13)[2022-09-25].https://mccaul.house.gov/media-center/press-releases/mccaul-and-matsui-lead-effort-to-urge-biden-administration-to-strengthen. [13]McCarthy taps Mike Gallagher to chair planned China Select Committee[EB/OL].(2022-08-12)[2023-04-21].https://thehill.com/homenews/house/3767169-mccarthy-taps-mike-gallagher-to-chair-planned-china-select-committee/. [14]Congress.H.R.4346-Chips and science act[EB/OL].(2022-08-09)[2022-09-26].https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/house-bill/4346. [15]Pelosi says working with China's Huawei is like“Choosing autocracy over democracy”[EB/OL].(2020-02-16)[2022-09-25].https://www.cnbc.com/2020/02/16/pelosi-working-with-chinas-huawei-is-choosing-autocracy-over-democracy.html. [16]丁孝文.中美关系中的美国国会因素[J].国际问题研究,2003(5):32-36. [17]SUTTER R.Domestic politics,congress,and U.S.hardening to China[J].Georgetown Journal of Asian Affairs,2022,8:37-46. [18]张腾军.美国近三届国会涉华立法议程变迁:特点、动因及前景[J].当代美国评论,2022,6(1):17-36. [19]郭永虎,安鑫玉.近期美国国会涉华经贸立法及其影响(2019—2021)[J].东北师大学报(哲学社会科学版),2022(4):113-119. [20]刁大明.从佩洛西“窜台”未果看美国国会在涉华事务中角色嬗变[J].世界知识,2022(12):59-61. [21]B0RAK M,PEREZ B.U.S.-China tech war:Washington intensifies pressure on Beijing in proposed new policy of“strategic competition[EB/OL].(2022-4-10)[2022-9-25].https://www.scmp.com/tech/policy/article/3128976/us-china-tech-war-washington-intensifies-pressure-beijing-proposed-new. [22]李恒阳.拜登政府对华科技竞争战略探析[J].美国研究,2021,35(5):81-101. [23]White House transition project[R/OL].(2021-07-18)[2022-09-29].https://www.whitehousetransitionproject.org/appointments/. [24]刘国柱.特朗普政府技术民族主义论析[J].美国研究,2020,34(4):45-67. [25]CAMPBELL M K,RATNER E.The China reckoning:how Beijing defied American expectations[J].Foreign Affairs,2018,97(2):60-70. [26]刘露馨.美国科技战略的变革及前景[J].现代国际关系,2021(10):37-45. [27]SERHAN Y.Consensus isn't always a good thing[EB/OL].(2021-10-05)[2022-10-19].https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2021/10/perils-washingtons-china-consensus/620294/. [28]道格拉斯·阿诺德.美国国会行动的逻辑[M].邓友平,译.上海:上海三联书店,2010. [29]CHAPMAN B.U.S.-China economic and security review commission:emerging factor in western pacific strategic policy analysis[J].Geopolitics,History,and International Relations,2018,10(1):7-29. [30]The U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission.2014 Annual report to congress[R].Washington D.C.:U.S.Government Publishing Office,2014. [31]The U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission.2015 Annual report to congress[R].Washington D.C.:U.S.Government Publishing Office,2015. [32]林斯娴.拜登时期美国对华舆论态势评析[J].现代国际关系,2023(1):116-132. [33]MYRICK R,ENG C,WEINBERG Z.Countering partisanship and threat inflation in U.S.-China policy[C]//Aspen Strategy Group Staff.On the rise:perspectives on foreign policy.Washington D.C.:The Aspen Institute,2022. [34]KENNEDY S.Thunder out of congress on China[R].Washington D.C.:CSIS,2020. [35]谢韬.如何看待美国国会在中美关系中的作用——以1973—2006年期间的中国议案为例[J].世界经济与政治,2009(1):27-37. [36]詹姆斯·M·伯恩斯,杰克·W·佩尔塔森,托马斯·E·克罗宁.美国式民主[M].谭君久,楼仁煊,孙心强,等译.中国社会科学出版社,1993.